Getting to 311 (on the way to zero)
A group of active US Air Force strategists has made a stunning recommendation: that the US unilaterally reduce its nuclear arsenal to 311 weapons. That’s approximately a 95% cut, which, according to these military policy advisers, can be made regardless of what any other nuclear weapon state does. You read that correctly. Air Force experts have said that even if Russia and the other nuclear-armed states were to keep every warhead they have, the US can go down to a little more than 300 without (from their point of view) being any less secure.
The analysis appears in the spring issue of the Air Force journal Strategic Studies Quarterly and is written by James Wood Forsyth Jr., a professor at the USAF School of Advanced Air and Space Studies; Colonel B. Chance Saltzman, head of the Strategic Plans and Policy Division; and Gary Schaub, Jr., a professor at the Air War College. Their proposal – coming as it does from the strategic center of the nuclear establishment – is bound to have an impact on the debate that has been raging within the Obama administration around the long-delayed US Nuclear Posture Review and whether it will mark a clear, dramatic departure from existing policy. The impact of the Air Force Three won’t necessarily be all for the good, but that doesn’t make their bottom line any less intriguing.
The fact that 311 weapons is their bottom line is part of the reason we shouldn’t wax too enthusiastic. These are not abolitionists, and a large part of their paper is a lengthy, detailed defense of the policy of deterrence, albeit an adjusted “minimum” deterrence as they view it, and the permanent need for nuclear weapons in an unstable world.
“Would the world be better off without nuclear weapons?” they ask. “Although it might be desirable to rid the world of nuclear weapons, it is not wise,” is their immediate answer. Why? They give a number of reasons, but here are three that got my attention:
“In theory, nuclear weapons are better than conventional forces in terms of enhancing general deterrence.”
“Nuclear weapons socialize statesmen to the dangers of adventurism, which in turn conditions them to set up formal and informal sets of rules that constrain their behavior.”
“Nuclear weapons allow international life to go on in spite of their inherent dangers because leaders of nuclear states realize that that they are constrained despite their goals, desires, or rhetoric.”
In other words, because they are so awful, nuclear weapons keep everyone – owners and non-owners alike – on their best (or at least non-worst) behavior. Stability trumps risk, and even brings some benefits. The problem with that argument, of course, is that it presumes – and actually requires – that deterrence will never fail, that nuclear weapons will never be used because everyone is just too sensible (or scared) to use them, and that we should learn to live with them because they are thought to provide some kind of security buffer against aggression in other forms.
As I’ve written on this blog before [No room for deterrence in the logic of zero; Nuclear Deterrence in the 21st Century: Getting It Wrong], betting the world on the success of deterrence each and every time a nuclear threat appears, even as the threats (and those doing the threatening) multiply, is either arrogant or foolish or both. What kind of security comes from the ever present awareness – or the fear – that one misstep means the incineration of a city, or a country, or the world? Abolitionists understand what the Air Force Three themselves make perfectly clear: that a continued belief in the deterrent value of nuclear weapons is the biggest obstacle to their elimination.
And yet…
This 311 number is fascinating. Not because it is so curiously precise, but because it is even lower than the number many of us have been saying would provide a real incentive for the other nuclear weapon states to sit at the negotiating table for a Nuclear Weapons Convention. Many of us have placed that number at around 500 each for the US and Russian arsenals – roughly comparable the Chinese, French, and British forces. That number was also recommended by the International Commission on Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, which disappointingly set a timid deadline of 2025 for reductions to that level.
The Air Force strategists believe some nuclear weapons make us safer and want to stop at 311 (for the US). Abolitionists see nothing but catastrophe and suffering – and potentially the end of humanity – in nuclear weapons and have set zero (for everybody) as the only acceptable goal. In order for talk about a world without nuclear weapons to be more than aspirational, we’re going to have to debunk the policy of deterrence once and for all. In the meantime, a 95% cut is a serious step in the right direction.
Another look at the Jos crisis, this time at the heroes
By Agyeno Ehase, IPPNW-Nigeria
Reprinted from the Sahara Reporters, 19 February 2010.
Permit me sir to use this medium to write a rejoinder to the various articles that have been published in almost every national daily condemning the recent incident in Jos. I, like most Nigerian citizens, think that this recent crisis was one too many in a city that has lost its allure and is already trailing by many decades among states of a country that has little that is positive by way of international image. I was born and bred in Jos, and there is yet no city in this country that gives me the feeling of ‘home’ like Jos does. The scenery is breathtaking, the weather second to none and the people are probably the friendliest to be found in any part of this country (and I say this without any bias to any group in particular). Let me reiterate as a man of conscience that the killings and wanton destruction of property are shameful and godless acts that are condemnable by every standard; let he who thinks that killing in the name of religion either preemptively or by retaliation is justified correct me!
As a student of the University of Jos, I remember how stranded and heartbroken I was during the 2001 crisis seeing a city I loved so much burnt to the ground and people who have lived in harmony for decades suddenly take up arms and sides against each other. When it happened again in 2008 it proved, in my opinion, the dogged nature with which man can hate. This recent one proves nothing more than what we all feared: that with the phlegm of government to institute programmes that foster citizen interaction and understanding and failure to bring culprits to book, coupled with the increasing erection of walls along indigene-settler, religious and ethnic lines spurred in a lot of cases by some not so tactful columnists riding on a wave of inept leadership, the situation in Jos was akin to an unscrewed cork sitting atop a shaken bottle of champagne. This crisis has come and exerted its physical, economic and emotional tolls, could we now bow our heads and reflect on when we loved each other, lived and dined and married each other?
So much has been said in the media by different people representing different interests but I have yet to see anyone who dared mention the heroes of Jos crisis; and I mean every single one of them right from 2001. By heroes I mean those people on both sides who surmounted hatred and took the path of honour and neigbourliness to ensure the safety of their friends, colleagues and neighbours in the heat of the crisis. Examples are replete to buttress this fact, most of which I am afraid are not in black and white.
In Bukuru, around Gyero Road is the story of a middle-aged Muslim who while trying to pacify the hordes of Muslim youths going to attack Christians was slashed with a machete. My friend who recounted the incident did not wait long enough to see if the man survived or not, but if he did he no doubt would have an indelible souvenir from that incident. Then there is a story of a Muslim family that had been in Bukuru for over three decades whose home was completely razed down but found refuge with Christian neighbours until transport was arranged for them to Abuja, to safety. And back in 2001, I won’t forget a friend of mine from Gombe who was given shelter by a Muslim family in Angwan Rogo – ground zero as it was then – till they were able to bring her to the safety of the student hostels in the University of Jos. And while the cynics amongst us can rightfully question the authenticity of my sources, refer to the story of Kuru karama on allAfrica.com in which an Imam recounted how Christian youths beat a local pastor – to death or not, we do not know – when he tried to impress on them the virtue of tolerance.
What am I driving at here? Over the past few days there have been accusations and counter accusations which in my mind only serve to demonize our neighbours of the other faith inadvertently serving as crisis propaganda of sorts. We have forgotten that there are everyday heroes amongst us whose actions (and inaction in some cases) have exemplified the very virtues that we all are supposedly using the media to extol. Shouldn’t we cast these deeds in gold and have them serve as templates for action to those seeking to go beyond the hate? Should we not instead of demonizing ourselves highlight the great deeds that humans like us have exhibited in this present adversity? Should we not try to bring out the Jos crisis from the realm of strict group dynamics and interaction to that of personal interaction and propensities over which each of us has the capacity to control for the sake of peace in our respective domains? The situation in Jos is already becoming something of a leviathan to the country, what with states like Bauchi proposing to send away Plateau State citizens from their state; and I do not see it ending there.
Let us open our eyes and see that the devil is neither a Christian nor a Muslim nor yet the God they worship, but the hate in our hearts which reflects in our eyes and now increasingly in our deeds.
To those peace loving-people of Jos, everyday people amongst us who have through the hate shown virtue and neighbourliness, I urge to keep on in the path they have chosen and know that despite the seeming obscurity, we acknowledge their existence and praise their heroism. We must find common ground; we must live together, in peace. Old things have passed away, including partisanship and ethnicity and racism and nepotism and all the ills that could be perpetrated by or on a group of people.
Blessed are the peace makers for they shall see God!
Ehase Agyeno
Dalhatu Araf Specialist Hospital
Lafia
IPPNW Doctors Examine Roots of Nigerian Massacres
IPPNW colleagues at the Society of Nigerian Doctors for the Welfare of Mankind once again are dealing with the aftermath of horrific killings of their country men. The latest armed violence in the Central Plateau area near the city of Jos, Nigeria saw a reported hundreds of men, women, and children massacred and thousands fleeing from a machete-wielding rampage of Muslims against Christian villages. The Journal of Public Health Policy, which published a special section on armed violence in 2007 authored by a number of IPPNW leaders, has re-posted an IPPNW paper that examines the roots of Nigeria’s violence, Gun Violence in Nigeria: A Focus on Ethno-Religious Conflict in Kano by IPPNW Drs. Ime A John, Aminu Z Mohammed, Andrew D Pinto and Celestine A Nkanta. The JPHP paper investigated gun violence in Nigeria and identified that there was a link between small arms injuries and communal riots between Christians and Muslims. For recent news on the Nigeria killings go to the BBC .
NPT to get five-year review in May
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) comes up for a crucial five-year review in May — arguably the most important review in the treaty’s troubled history. IPPNW members, activists from the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), and hundreds of non-governmental organization (NGO) representatives from around the world will gather in New York for the month-long Review Conference with a single purpose: to drum up member state support for a comprehensive action plan for the global elimination of nuclear weapons in the shortest possible time.
While the 2010 Review Conference does not open until May 3, the work to shape its outcome has already started. NGOs committed to ridding the world of nuclear weapons are producing a coordinated set of presentations and recommendations that they will deliver in formal session during the first week of the conference. Others are organizing activities throughout the city to raise public awareness about the nuclear threat and the urgency of commencing negotiations on a Nuclear Weapons Convention.
ICAN, in consultation with Rebecca Johnson of the Acronym Institute, has developed a two-part international strategy designed to promote the Convention as an inseparable part of the NPT agenda. For the next two months, ICAN activists, including IPPNW affiliates, will be pressing their governments to name the Convention in their conference statements and working papers and to support our call for the prompt commencement of negotiations or, at the very least, for preparatory work that can pave the way to negotiations in the shortest possible time.
The second part of the strategy has abolitionists organizing a global series of local actions upon the conclusion of the NPT Review, regardless of the outcome. If the member states come together around a strong set of concrete recommendations for achieving a nuclear-weapons-free world and the political will to implement them, the message sent out by ICAN activists will be one of support and encouragement. If the outcome of the Review falls short of either a comprehensive vision for disarmament or a sense of urgency or both, these worldwide actions, planned for World Environment Day on June 5, will give voice to the public demand for nothing less than the eradication of nuclear weapons and the intolerable threat they pose to our lives.
ICAN has hired Tim Wright to coordinate these activities from now through the conclusion of the NPT Review. Tim will be based in New York at the offices of Reaching Critical Will, which does all of the heavy lifting to facilitate NGO participation at the NPT, the Conference on Disarmament, the First Committee, and other UN disarmament bodies. Among other things, he will be helping ICAN and its partner groups communicate with UN-based diplomats, producing materials about the Nuclear Weapons Convention and the NPT, networking with other NGOs, and developing a website that can be used by local groups to plan and share information about their post-NPT actions.
To learn more about Nuclear Weapons Convention advocacy at the NPT, contact Tim.
To learn everything there is to know about the NPT, its history, the controversies and outcomes at previous review conferences, and NGO participation for the past 10 or 15 years, visit Reaching Critical Will.
“People who have visions should go to see their doctor”
The Horsemen ride again
An article published on Znet by Darwin Bondgraham, Will Parrish and Nicholas Ian Robinson entitled “Full Court Press” prompted me to write this blog post. It appeared in the same week that I attended a “once-in-a-lifetime” meeting at the American Academy in Berlin between seven of the eight US and German “horsemen”, as we are wont to call them. That is, the elder statesmen Kissinger, Shultz, Perry and Nunn plus Schmidt, Genscher and Weizsäcker. Unfortunately the main thinker of the German group, Egon Bahr, was laid up in bed with fever and couldn’t attend.
In the Znet article, all those who have welcomed this mainstream vision of a nuclear weapon-free world are labelled “naiv” and as having committed “a major political and moral blunder” in believing that this was “a signal that the US national security state was poised to pursue an enlightened course of de-escalation toward eventual disarmament”. Now, I for one did not think that the Kissinger et al article in the Wall St. Journal, coming as it did more than two years before Obama won the US election, was an indication of US government policy to come. And I think that one might be forgiven for accusing many of us of believing too readily that Obama’s speech in Prague was just such an indication. But it seems that reform in the United States is as mammoth a task as it was for Michail Gorbachev to reform the Soviet Union, which – I remind you – collapsed in the process. And a jolly good thing it was too.
This very strong criticism on the part of Bondgraham and co. comes hot on the heels of the latest essay in the Wall St. Journal “How to Protect our Nuclear Deterrent”, which calls for the “maintenance of confidence in our nuclear arsenal” and argues for greater investment in the nuclear laboratories to do so. This article received a very bad response from the abolitionists around the world and quite rightly so, since it would appear on the surface that the US horsemen are contradicting their earlier vision. Indeed, it was unfortunate that they should – having spent so much effort on becoming anti-nuclear visionaries – resort to such pragmatic and tactical politicking. However, as I read the article, my first reaction was that it was not addressed to me, but to the 40 Republican and 1 independent Senators who were trying to hijack the not-yet-signed new START treaty by demanding a complete modernisation of the US nuclear arsenal be a condition of ratification. In stating their support of the findings of the JASON study, the Gang of Four were saying no to modernisation and yes to maintenance. As the Znet Gang of Three so aptly wrote: “The reality of nuclear weapons policy formation is much more complex and political” than it often appears.
Having said that, it is quite right not to herald the statements of the US elder statesmen as “anti-nuclear” or “abolitionist”. These are men who belong to the high church of nuclear deterrence and are true believers. The only reason that they can envision a world without nuclear weapons now is that they realise that nuclear deterrence will not work against the undeterrable. They are not prepared to concede for one moment that it was a mistake to rest our security for the last 65 years on such a dangerous policy that was repeatedly on the brink of collapsing into nuclear war. They do not agree that it is somehow immoral that their country should possess the means to destroy the planet many times over and other countries should not. They are deeply Conservative.
But on the other hand, in order to effect the major mindset change that is necessary to abolish nuclear weapons (and thereby open the way to common security), must we not effect this change across the board of political persuasion? Irregardless of whether these elder statesmen are willing to admit to mistakes made in the past, is it not better to nurture this first little sapling of change and help it to grow into something that advances our common goal – a nuclear weapon-free world? Look how far it has got us already: through their “vision”, the way was cleared for Obama to state that he also had this “vision” and then Medvedev agreed. Really good news is the new Russian military doctrine, just out, that states that “Russia reserves the right to use nuclear weapons in response to a use of nuclear or other weapons of mass destruction against her and (or) her allies, and in a case of an aggression against her with conventional weapons that would put in danger the very existence of the state.” No mention of “preventive” nuclear strikes after all. And now we are close to getting a new treaty for major nuclear arms reductions. This could easily be scuppered by the nuclear protagonists which is why the Gang of Four are lining up in front of it.
At the meeting in Berlin, the US horsemen explained – somewhat superficially – that they had a vision that they did not know how to achieve. So they are now in the process of working out what steps are needed. Here, the analogy of the mountain with its peak in the clouds was repeated, an analogy that has been very well countered by the description of the strategy used for conquering Everest of making a plan first and then executing the climb. But in both of these analogies the base camps are the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation steps needed to go forward and upward. The questions that remain are these: which steps; can steps be taken in parallel; and how much of the full plan should be decided (and committed to) in advance?
We were reminded at the meeting in Berlin that Helmut Schmidt has often been quoted as saying that “people with visions should go and see their doctor”. Of course, he was being derogatory at the time, but we could turn this statement on its head by saying this: “They might have the vision, but we have the prescription”. And interestingly enough, it was General Klaus Naumann, one of the very High Priests of nuclear deterrence, who mentioned the prescription that evening in Berlin. Naumann is a member of the illustrious International Commission on Non-Proliferation and Nuclear Disarmament that produced its report “Eliminating Nuclear Threats” late in 2009 and presented it to the Conference on Disarmament recently. The report gives quite a lot of thought to the Nuclear Weapons Convention – our prescription for survival – while still not committing itself to being a proponent of it. Obviously Naumann thinks that the Convention is not a good idea and was looking for a condemnation of it from the Horsemen. He asked “does not the public desire for a Nuclear Weapons Convention pose a risk to a realistic approach to nuclear disarmament?” And Sam Nunn replied that we may well reach a point when a Convention would become plausible, but we are not there now. Nunn’s argument against the Convention is this: we shouldn’t focus on negotiating a new treaty right now but on getting the US and Russia to lead the way with disarmament.
This can be interpreted in two opposite ways and I’m sure it will be. Many abolitionists will say that Sam Nunn and the Nuclear Threat Initiative are blocking the way to a Convention. Or we could look at it differently and say that Sam Nunn and the ICNND are saying they think there needs to be more groundwork done before actual negotiation begins. But they are not saying there should not be a Convention at all, and that is a big difference from the past.
For those of us in Europe who are really interested in halting the modernisation of the US nuclear arsenal, the way forward lies in debunking the argument of the nuclear protagonists that the allies are the ones that want these weapons. That is why we have to take every available opportunity to get rid of the US bombs in Europe and close the nuclear umbrella worldwide. The proposed modernisation of the B61 bomb is still on the table and the money for the first study has been approved by Congress.
The really interesting thing about the US-German meeting of horsemen was not to be found at the event that I witnessed, but in private discussions to which I was not privy. But I am assured by those that are that the German four are pushing hard for movement on the US tactical nuclear weapons in Europe and on discussion of Medvedev’s proposal for a common security architecture. We have been here before, as I am reminded by reading Richard Rhodes’ excellent book “Arsenals of Folly”. Gorbachev picked up on the Bahr-Brandt idea of common security and made it a cornerstone of his international policy. It is often agreed that common security is needed in order to abolish nuclear weapons. But I would contend that it is the other way round: retaining nuclear deterrence as a basis for our security prevents us from achieving the common security that we desperately need in this world. And Gorbachev was also correct in perceiving that it was the military-industrial complex that is running that show. Just imagine what would happen to the arms industry if we were to go down the road of common security. Now that really would be an interesting vision. Perhaps we should go and see the doctor.
Indian Doctors for Peace and Development
The 8th National Conference of the Indian Doctors for Peace and Development (IDPD), the Indian affiliate of IPPNW, which began on 29 January 2010 with a peace rally outside Taj Mahal, called for the complete abolition of nuclear weapons, checks on the proliferation of small arms, resolution of issues through mutual dialogue, easing of travel to neighbouring countries by relaxation of VISA rules, and diversion of funds from arms race to health, education and development. The conference set an agenda for action in pursuit of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), effective steps to prevent climate change, and a people-oriented health policy.
The conference was inaugurated by Dr.Vappu Taipale, Co-President of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW) who lauded the efforts of the IDPD for sustainable peace in South Asia. Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, former chief of Indian Navy in his address expressed skepticism that nuclear weapons will be abolished in near future as there is control of financial oligarchy on the institutions interested in the arms race. The struggle therefore has to be against them. Maj. Gen. (Retd.) Vinod Saighal said that the climate change is killing the world much faster than anything else. Therefore we must unite to combat this. Shri.Aziz Pasha-MP Rajya Sabha pointed out that India has a rich tradition of non violence and the great son of the soil Mahatma Gandhi whose martyrdom day falls on 30th January preached and practiced non violence which was a new concept of the contemporary world. Others who addressed the conference include Mrs.Amarjeet Kaur-National Secretary All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) on ‘Women’s Initiatives for Peace’, Shri.Praful Bidwai – eminent journalist on ‘Climate Change Challenges Ahead’ and Shri Arjun Dev – a prominent historian on ‘Growing Intolerance an Impediment to Peace’.
The medical students who participated in large number from various parts of the country gave their presentations on several issues related to the theme of the conference ‘Building Future through Peace and Non Violence’. An ‘Ariel Conversations’ Video Conference was organized with Dr. Bernard Lown– Founding Co-President of IPPNW. Medical students put several queries to him, which Dr.Lown answered.
Dr.Tejbir Singh and Dr.Shakeel Ur Rehman gave presentations on National Health Policy and Health Right Bill 2009. The consensus of the conference was that there has to be increased public spending to ensure health care to each and every citizen. The conference also felt that whereas the health right bill is a step in the positive direction it requires amendments to ensure protection to the health providers. A committee will soon prepare a document which will be submitted to the health minister.
Dr Arun Mitra
Politics is the art of the possible.
According to a recent article in the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) by Vice President Joe Biden, President Obama intends to increase the funding for the Nuclear Weapons Laboratories by approximately 5 billion dollars over the next five years. The laboratories shall work on means to prolong the active life span of the nuclear charges.
This project is technically and militarily meaningless. In the article in WSJ there are quotes from the JASON report to the government, written by prominent physicists and weapon experts. The report confirms that nuclear weapons have shown no sign of deteriorating reliability. They will function as intended. And they are and remain secure: They will not explode unintentionally.
Of course, it is of little importance if the reliability decreases from 99% to 90% or less. That would not decrease their effects as deterrent. Do we know the reliability of the Russian strategic nuclear weapons? Certainly not, but that does not decrease their capacity to threaten. The reliability of the missiles and of the systems for intelligence, control and command is much more important.
William Perry who was Secretary for Defense to President Clinton took part in a commission which recently advocated a great increase in the support for the Nuclear Weapons Laboratories. The same opinion was expressed in a paper in WSJ by “The four apostles” Shultz, Kissinger, Nunn and Perry a couple of weeks ago. They argued that as long as the USA has nuclear weapons these must be reliable. It seems these four statesmen now place the vision for a world without weapons into a distant hazy future.
In an interview with Mr. Kissinger in the French newspaper Le Figaro last November he says that, of course, a nuclear weapons free world is generations away. Yes, it is, if we want it so. Then maybe the nukes will abolish us, while we discuss how fast we shall abolish them.
I do not know what means the supporters of the weapons laboratories have used to further their continued prosperity. One argument is recurring: The labs are needed to attract new researchers to their work, thus maintaining the competence. This is difficult nowadays when the lure of an atomic test explosion as the final examination test for the weapons designer has been denied. We do not know when we need to develop new nuclear weapons…
The President’s dedication to the work for a nuclear weapons free world seems to be waning. Politics is the art of the possible, say some, and he might have found it necessary to throw this piece of pork to the senators who love the bomb and the bomb makers. Obama wants to get the ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, an important part of the work to prevent proliferation of nuclear weapons, through the Senate where it has been blocked since the time of Clinton. Obama knows too that there will be demands for new nuclear weapons, which he pledged during his election campaign not to accept. Mr. Gates, no one less, spoke for a new type of nuclear warheads recently, but was quickly censored. The President also wants the successor to the START agreement on a decrease of the strategic nuclear weapons to be agreed with Russia.
The resistance against President Obama is strong on all these three points. A few billion dollars to the weapons laboratories, out of the trillion used for the military, may help certain senators to look with less disfavor at the President’s proposals. He needs every vote.
Gunnar Westberg
Past Co-President of IPPNW
Who were those masked men?
The US gang of four has ridden off into the sunset.
Three years ago George Shultz, Henry Kissinger, Sam Nunn, and William Perry galloped into town on white horses, their badges gleaming, ready to round up and eliminate every nuclear weapon in sight. In a widely read article published by The Wall Street Journal in January 2007, they declared themselves advocates of “the vision of a world free of nuclear weapons,” which they called “a bold initiative consistent with America’s moral heritage.”
Those of us who had been working for the abolition of nuclear weapons for decades scratched our heads and asked ourselves privately whether there was less to this late-in-life conversion than met the eye. Publicly, we embraced the cross-over abolitionists, who were joined in succeeding months by other gangs of four (or five, or six) in the UK, Germany, Norway, Australia, the Netherlands, Poland, and even France. After all, why question the motives of some erstwhile cold warriors when their words had energized a struggling movement?
The US horsemen mounted up again one year later, but apparently had some trouble finding the road. “Without the vision of moving toward zero,” they reiterated in January 2008, “we will not find the essential cooperation required to stop our downward spiral.” Yet a nuclear-weapons-free world, they fretted, was at “the top of a very tall mountain,” not visible from our present vantage point. They insisted that we keep pushing forward to higher ground, but seemed stuck in a quagmire of inadequate near-term arms control proposals. Civil society abolitionists offered a detailed trailmap to the top of the mountain — the model Nuclear Weapons Convention — but the gang seemed more comfortable tethering their horses at base camp.
This week Shultz, Kissinger, Nunn, and Perry broke camp and headed back to the nuclear reservation. The headline of their third Wall Street Journal piece drops like a whole warehouse of shoes: “How to protect our nuclear deterrent.” Their call for urgent steps toward a world without nuclear weapons is almost wholly replaced by an argument for “[urgently needed] investments in a repaired and modernized nuclear weapons infrastructure.” Judging by the smell, the horses have been standing in one place for too long.
Somehow we are supposed to connect the dots between rearmament and disarmament. The logic — to stretch definitions very thin — seems to go something like this: The same facilities and technologies the US needs to maintain a “reliable” nuclear force “for as long as the nation’s security requires it” will — presto change-o — serve “the long-term goal of achieving and maintaining a world free of nuclear weapons” equally well when the time comes. Which is when, exactly? When we no longer “require” the things that most endanger us?
The gang can’t have it both ways. They can choose to cast their lot (and ours) with deterrence and continue to believe that “reliable” nuclear weapons reduce nuclear danger by dissuading others from using their own nuclear weapons, in which case we might as well stop worrying about proliferation; or they can finally recognize that deterrence is a bankrupt policy incompatible in every respect with progress toward a nuclear-weapons-free world, and that getting to zero requires planned and irreversible obsolescence of the weapons, the infrastructure to make them, and the justifications for clinging to them.
ICNND report: right goals, wrong pace for getting to zero
The International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (ICNND) released its long-awaited final report on December 15 after more than a year of consultations and deliberations. The report contains some welcome, though familiar recommendations — especially on near-term disarmament measures such as substantial US-Russian reductions, delegitimizing nuclear weapons as part of security policy, and removing weapons from launch-on-warning status — but falls short on eliminating the nuclear threat.
The Commission advocates reducing current arsenals by around 90% by 2025. This would still leave 2,000 nuclear weapons in the world — far more than enough to cause a sudden global cooling from nuclear explosions over large cities, killing tens of millions of people and triggering catastrophic famine.
The International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) stated that “the recommendations do not go far or fast enough towards getting the world to zero nuclear weapons.”
ICAN Australia Chair and IPPNW Board member Tilman Ruff said, “What is needed is a clear roadmap to eliminating and outlawing nuclear weapons. ICAN along with many other civil society organisations around the world advocates a Nuclear Weapons Convention (NWC), a comprehensive global treaty to get the world to zero nuclear weapons.
“While the Commission recognises the need for a NWC, it does not envisage one being negotiated until around 2025. This undermines the urgency of getting to zero.”
The report also heavily promotes nuclear power without sufficiently addressing dangerous proliferation risks. “Achieving and sustaining a world free of nuclear weapons,” Dr. Ruff added, “would be much easier and quicker in a world in which nuclear power was being phased out.”
The full ICNND report, a synopsis, and other materials can be found on the Commission website.
Non-governmental organizations, including IPPNW, have prepared an analysis of the report, in which they state:
Governments should take the report’s recommendations seriously, but aim to implement them ahead of the timetable outlined in the report.
“The biggest reason for our disappointment is that the report failed to draw a practical path to nuclear abolition as an urgent and achievable goal. The report aims for a “minimization point” by 2025, when there should be fewer than 2,000 nuclear weapons in the world. Beyond that, no process or timetable for moving to zero is presented. There is a risk that such an agenda might have the effect not of advancing the goal shared by the Commission of a world free of nuclear weapons, but of being used to perpetuate a world where fewer nuclear weapons are maintained indefinitely.”
By envisioning a world of peace, we will help create it
By Andrew S. Kanter
I, like many people, spent the early part of this morning in bed watching President Obama receive the Nobel Peace Prize. I was struck by the contrasts and conflicting aspects of his speech. I was only a medical student working for IPPNW when I attended the Nobel ceremonies in 1985. I had been a long time member of PSR since my undergraduate days at UCLA, but had only recently taken a year before entering medical school to become the IPPNW Medical Student Liaison. This was the first time that a medical student was working full-time with the organization, and I was honored to be included in the 1985 Peace Prize ceremonies in Oslo.
Read the entire entry on the PSR nuclear weapons blog.




